The Power Most Voters Ignore
Why primary elections — not November’s general — may be the key to saving American democracy
Author of Your Primary Power: How Extremism Captured American Politics and Why Strategic Voting is the Way Out
If you feel like American politics has been stuck in a slow-motion car crash for years, you’re not alone. The shouting gets louder, the insults sharper, and the “solutions” more extreme — while the country’s actual problems remain unsolved. And as much as we’d all like to believe this is just “politics as usual,” it’s not. We’re in a dangerous place.
This danger is not equally distributed across the political spectrum. While Democrats certainly have their factions and infighting, the Republican Party has, in recent years, become the chief vessel for extremist, anti-democratic politics in America. That’s not a partisan opinion — it’s a statement grounded in voting patterns, legislative agendas, and the increasing normalization of conspiracy theories and authoritarian rhetoric within the GOP.
But here’s the hopeful part: ordinary voters have more power to change the trajectory of our politics than they realize. In fact, the single most effective way for many Americans to fight extremism isn’t in the general election at all — it’s in the primaries.
What the Cook PVI Tells Us About the Landscape
Before we start talking about strategies, we need to understand the battlefield. Political analysts often use something called the Cook Partisan Voting Index (PVI) to measure how strongly a congressional district or state leans toward one party compared to the nation as a whole.
Here’s how it works: analysts look at how a district voted in the last two presidential elections and compare that to the national average. If the district’s average Republican vote share was 6 percentage points higher than the nation’s, it’s labeled R+6. If it leaned Democratic by 5 points more than the national average, it’s D+5. The higher the number, the more entrenched the district is for that party.
So when we say “R+6 district,” we’re talking about a place where Democrats almost never win. History tells us the general election is essentially out of reach—barring a political earthquake and a once-in-a-generation candidate. The math is brutally clear: Democrats lose in districts like this again and again. But that doesn’t mean you’re powerless. It means you need to rethink where your vote has the most leverage.
Why Extremism Thrives in Safe Seats
Here’s a reality many voters don’t like to confront: in the vast majority of congressional districts, the outcome of the general election is already all but decided before a single ballot is cast in November.
That’s because most districts are drawn in a way — and have voting patterns — that make them “safe” for one party. In a safe Republican district, the real contest is the GOP primary. That’s where candidates compete to prove their partisan purity, often by running as far to the right as possible.
When a district is R+6 or higher, the primary winner is almost guaranteed to win in November. If the only people voting in that primary are the most loyal, most ideologically extreme Republicans, then the candidate they choose will reflect their priorities — not the broader public’s.
This is exactly how we’ve ended up with members of Congress who are more interested in culture wars and cable news appearances than governing. And because these candidates only fear losing to someone more extreme in a primary, they have no incentive to moderate.
The Strategic Opportunity
The way to break this cycle is simple but overlooked: Democrats and independents in red districts can cross over and vote in Republican primaries. The real sweet spot for this strategy is what you might call the Goldilocks zone: districts rated between R+6 and R+11. There are currently 78 of these districts across America. They’re red enough that Democrats almost never win the general election—the math and history are brutally clear. But they aren’t so deep-red that every Republican voter is locked into the far-right fringe. In these districts, Democrats and independents crossing over in the primary can actually make the difference between sending an extremist to November or forcing a more moderate, pro-democracy Republican onto the ballot. That’s why the real leverage for Democrats and independents in R+6 to R+11 districts isn’t in the Democratic primary—even if it’s competitive, the winner is overwhelmingly likely to lose in November. The real opportunity comes in the Republican primary, where the winner is virtually guaranteed to take the seat.
By changing your party registration to Republican and voting in the GOP primary, you can help select a more moderate, pro-democracy Republican candidate — someone who might not share all your values, but who will uphold the basic principles of our system and avoid the dangerous fringes.
And in many states, you don’t even need to change your registration. Open and semi-open primaries already allow Democrats and independents to request a Republican ballot. That means millions of voters have untapped power they aren’t using.
This isn’t “abandoning your party.” It’s a tactical move to influence the only election in your area that’s actually competitive: the Republican primary. In many places, it’s the only point in the process where your vote can make a meaningful difference in who represents you.
I explore this strategy in greater depth in my book, Your Primary Power: How Extremism Captured American Politics and Why Strategic Voting Is the Way Out.
Why This Matters More on the Republican Side
Let’s be clear: this strategy can work in both directions — Republicans in deep-blue districts could vote in Democratic primaries to nudge their candidates toward the center. But the reality is that the current danger to democracy in America is disproportionately coming from the Republican Party.
This is the party that nominated and still largely defends a president who tried to overturn an election. It’s the party that has tolerated open white nationalist rhetoric, undermined trust in the electoral process, and purged many of its few remaining moderates.
So while encouraging cross-party voting in both directions can help depolarize politics, the urgency today is on countering the extremist pull inside the GOP. This isn’t about making Republicans “win” more — it’s about making sure the Republicans who do win aren’t threats to the system itself.
Breaking the Primary Stranglehold
Consider what would happen if just 10–15% of Democrats and independents in a safe Republican district switched their registration and voted in the GOP primary. Suddenly, the hard-right faction that used to dominate the primary electorate would be forced to compete for votes from people who value constitutional norms, competent governance, and problem-solving over partisan purity tests.
Even if the moderate candidate didn’t win every time, their presence would force extremists to temper their rhetoric. It would also send a signal to local and state party leaders that there is a broader constituency watching — and voting.
The “Purity Test” Problem
Extremism thrives when the only voters in the primary are people who demand absolute loyalty to an ideological checklist. These voters punish any deviation from the party line, even when compromise could benefit their district.
But if the primary electorate becomes more diverse — including moderates, independents, and crossover voters — the incentive structure changes. Suddenly, candidates can’t just appeal to the most fervent partisans; they have to win over people who care more about roads, schools, healthcare, and effective governance than about scoring points on cable news.
What This Looks Like in Practice
Imagine a district with a Cook PVI of R+8. In the last few cycles, its Republican primaries have been decided by a few thousand hard-core party voters. If you and your neighbors — Democrats, independents, and even disaffected Republicans — all registered to vote in that primary, you could easily double the size of the electorate.
That would make it much harder for an extremist to coast to victory. It wouldn’t guarantee that a centrist wins, but it would tilt the playing field toward candidates who at least have to appeal beyond the far-right echo chamber.
Addressing the Skeptics
Some Democrats will bristle at the idea of registering Republican, even temporarily. They’ll worry about “helping the other side.” But this thinking assumes the general election is competitive — and in most deep-red districts, it isn’t. The Republican will win either way. The only real choice you have is which Republican.
Others will argue that this strategy could backfire, accidentally electing a more electable Republican in a swing district. But that’s why the Cook PVI matters — this strategy is for safe seats, not competitive ones. In swing districts, the general election is still up for grabs, and you should vote in your own party’s primary.
It’s Not About Party Loyalty — It’s About Survival
If our democracy collapses into a system where only the most extreme voices have power, party labels won’t matter much. The goal here isn’t to “help Republicans” or “hurt Democrats.” It’s to ensure that the people writing our laws and setting our national agenda are committed to democratic norms, the peaceful transfer of power, and the rule of law.
How to Start
Check your state’s primary rules. Some states have open primaries (no party registration required), some are semi-open, and some are closed. In closed primary states, you’ll need to change your registration ahead of the deadline. https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/state-primary-election-types
Look up your district’s Cook PVI. If it’s heavily skewed toward one party, that’s where this strategy makes the most sense.
https://ballotpedia.org/The_Cook_Political_Report%27s_Partisan_Voter_Index
Register strategically. If you’re in a safe Republican district, consider registering GOP for the primary, then switching back afterward if you prefer. https://vote.gov/register
Spread the word. The more people who adopt this approach, the bigger the impact.
Stay engaged. Vote in every election you can — local, state, and federal.
The Bottom Line
We don’t have to sit back and watch extremists dominate our politics. We can disrupt their grip on power — not by shouting louder in November, but by showing up in the primaries where their victories are forged.
In this moment, when one major party has embraced anti-democratic tactics and elevated candidates who reject the basic rules of the game, the stakes couldn’t be higher. Strategic primary voting isn’t just a clever idea. It might be the only way to pull our politics back from the brink.
I expand on this approach and provide a step-by-step voter strategy in Your Primary Power.
Further Reading
Cook Political Report — What Is the Partisan Voting Index (PVI)? https://ballotpedia.org/The_Cook_Political_Report%27s_Partisan_Voter_Index
The National Conference of State Legislatures — State Primary Election Types https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/state-primary-election-types
Brookings — Why Primary Elections Fuel Political Polarization https://www.brookings.edu/articles/why-primary-elections-fuel-political-polarization
Pew Research Center — Fewer Competitive Congressional Districts Than in Past Elections https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/01/27/fewer-competitive-congressional-districts-than-in-past-elections
NPR — How Low Voter Turnout in Primaries Strengthens Extremist Candidates https://www.npr.org/2022/06/14/1104686230/primary-voter-turnout-extremism